Posts Tagged ‘business’

Is it a Problem that the Vast Majority of our Electoral System is Financed by Men?

Posted on: No Comments

mad_men_cover_1

A significant amount of journalistic attention is devoted to examining how campaign contributions influence who we elect to the U.S. Congress.  Such concern over the potential for “special interests” to exert inordinate amounts of power on our elected officials is clear; it is  antithetical to the notion of the “common interest” that underlies the foundation of our democracy (previously discussed here).   However, while it is often the case that special interests are presumed to be narrow interests  (i.e. “big oil,” unions, corporations, etc.), there is relatively less attention paid to how our campaign finance system affects groups that are too broad or cross-cutting to be called “special interest,” but may nevertheless be significantly impacted by the current campaign finance system. Specifically, the question I address here is whether it is possible that the campaign finance system is contributing to the gender disparity in Congress.  Is it a problem that the vast majority of our electoral system is financed by men?

Why the Gap?  How does the campaign finance system contribute to the problem?

Those that argue overt discrimination against women is a thing of the past note that women perform just as well as men in general elections. For example, no one was shocked this past April when Robin Kelly was elected in a special election to fill the seat previously held by Jesse Jackson Jr. in Illinois.  However it is also true that women generally have to raise more money to perform as well as men at the polls, while at the same time women perceive fundraising to be more difficult than men.  But why?

I suggest two reasons.  The first is the undisputed gender gap in resources: men make up a larger percentage of the work force and earn a higher income on average.  They therefore have more resources at their disposal to contribute to campaigns than women do.  The second, less obvious reason has to do with a particular FEC regulation governing the rules of “Separate Segregated Funds”  (SSFs), which comprise the vast majority of PACs that contribute to candidates and include corporations, membership organizations, unions, etc.  The regulation specifies that the only members of a company or organization that can be limitlessly asked to donate to the PAC are its executives, stockholders, and notably – their spouses.

While the 2012 Fortune 500 “boasted” a record number female CEOs, the grand total came to 18, just 3.6%.  The reality is that the majority of executives and stockholders are male, that in essence, are able to make contributions on their own accord as well as on behalf of their spouses. Taken to its furthest logical extent, the result is that a greater number of men enjoy de facto doubled contribution limits.

Gender of Contributor and Preferences Toward Male/Female Candidates

Of course for any of this to matter to gender fundraising disparity, it must be the case that women prefer female candidates and men prefer male candidates. To see whether there was any evidence for this, I took a sample that included 2975 individuals who made contributions to a subset of eight pairs of freshman candidates (one male and one female in each pair) within the critical first 100 days of the start of their respective campaigns.[1]

The table below presents the results of a quick analysis. I classified contributors that do not have employers and that list occupations such as “homemaker,” “self-employed,” “mother,” and “volunteer” as “working inside the home.”  Unsurprisingly, males constitute a higher proportion of overall contributors. When I exclude contributors (both male and female) that work inside the home, the average contribution for females declines substantially while the average contribution for males increases just slightly.  It also results in a decrease in the percentage of female contributors to 26%.  It is interesting to note that this percentage roughly corresponds to the percentage of women in Congress. (While this does imply causal relationship, it is nevertheless a fun number…not unlike Romney getting 47% of the popular vote in 2012).   Lastly, it is evident that females seem to prefer female candidates and males seem to prefer male candidates.

Does the Discrepancy Matter?

Arguably, the gender imbalance in Congress is only relevant insofar as it has an independent effect on legislative output that cannot be explained by other factors, such as partisanship.  In other words, if gender has no impact on an elected official’s behavior, then an imbalance, however disproportionate, may be functionally irrelevant.  Yet studies show female legislators devote more time and energy to what are informally referred to as “women’s issues,” including healthcare, children and families, women’s rights, gun control, and others.  Stylistically, women demonstrate more cooperative legislative strategies and collaborative approaches, while men tend to prefer more competitive, hierarchical tactics.  Thus it is reasonable to posit that a change in the proportion of women in Congress would have an impact on the nature and type of legislative output.

Particularly in a political time in which fundraising continues to grow in importance, it is important to be aware of how seemingly non-discriminatory formal institutions, such as the campaign finance system, may nevertheless result in discriminatory outcomes.

Contribution Statistics by Gender

Recipient Candidate

Male

Female

Total

Proportion

Average

Contributor

Male

1165 (58%)

870 (42%)

2035

68%

$899

Female

448(47%)

492 (53%)

490

32%

$920

Excluding Contributors Working Inside  Home

Recipient Candidate

Male

Female

Total

Proportion

Average

Contributor

Male

1150 (57%)

867 (42%)

2017

74%

$911

Female

336 (46%)

382 (54%)

718

26%

$799

Gender and Work Status of Contributor and Gender and Party of Recipient Candidate

Total

Mean

Work Inside

Average

Work Outside

Average

Males

To Male Democrats

801

$869

15

$582

786

$875

To Female Democrats

598

$857

3

$1525

595

$852

To Male Republicans

364

$1091

0

$0

364

$1094

To Female  Republicans

272

$901

0

$0

272

$901

Females

To Male Democrats

316

$1028

70

$1493

246

$874

To Female Democrats

379

$791

82

$972

297

$727

To Male Republicans

132

$1219

42

$1591

90

$942

To Female  Republicans

113

$795

28

$1019

85

$692


[1] The eight pairs, or sixteen total candidates, consist of individuals competing for Congressional office for the first time.  All chosen candidates won their elections in 2008 and subsequently were sworn-in during the 111th Congress.  The pairs were chosen based on the similarity of their ideology, district qualities, and partisan orientation.

 

By Erinn Larkin, Compliance Director, PACs and Parties

Campaign Finance Regulation Needs a Home

Posted on:

securities-and-exchange-commission-photo-thanks-to-flickr-user

The Federal Election Commission can no longer be considered the sole federal agency tasked with regulating federal campaign activity.  As a recent New York Times article suggests, the Securities and Exchange Commission may soon require publicly traded corporations to disclose the names of individuals who contribute to various so-called Super PACs.  Not surprisingly, the measure is strongly opposed by business organizations such as the Chamber of Commerce, which argue that such measures would infringe on the group’s right to free speech. The Internal Revenue Service has also been highlighted recently for its alleged overreach in targeting tax-exempt 501(c)(4) organizations associated with the conservative Tea Party.

These latest events highlight just how thorny of an issue campaign finance regulation has become.  Agencies that are not normally tasked with any kind of campaign regulation have found themselves forced to overcompensate for a seemingly ineffectual FEC.

In international relations, the term “proxy war” is used to describe a situation in which two opposing parties utilize a substitute, or a third party, as an alternative to fighting each other directly.  What Citizens United seems to have engendered, is a proxy war between liberals and conservatives in which government agencies are being used as reluctant battlegrounds.   As we have witnessed this past week, the results are at best messy, and at worst, damaging to the overall legitimacy of the federal government.

The longer both sides continue to battle one another over procedural matters in multiple agency arenas, the more distant they become from their purported fundamental purpose for being, which is to engage in political advocacy.  Not to mention, of course, the more contributor money they waste in the process. But is there any alternative?

These organizations might benefit from looking back to 2004 and the similar issues brought forth by so-called “527” organizations and their apparent exemption from the recently passed Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (also known as McCain-Feingold).  The crucial similarity between the battles being waged today, and those of the past, boil down to one thing: the definition of a “political committee” as defined in the FEC Act.

The difference between the strategies implemented today versus 2004, is that in the latter, watchdog groups and political parties funneled all their complaints and fought all their battles in one arena – the FEC.  Both sides filed complaints and the FEC came down hard on 527’s, primarily for failing to register as political committees.  As a result, America Coming Together was fined $775,000, the Media Fund was fined $580,000 and the Swift Boat Vets and POWs for Truth were fined $299,500.

A strategy that devotes resources to one specific arena (namely, the FEC) could be particularly beneficial for liberals and other proponents of increased disclosure.  The Supreme Court unambiguously upheld disclosure laws as constitutional.  If disclosure is the bottom line, then liberals and supporters need to bring the fight back to the FEC where they maintain a home turf advantage. Otherwise, they risk undermining their cause by fighting procedural battles in agencies that have little interest in regulating campaign activity and little incentive to become enmeshed in a political battle as contentious as campaign finance.

 By Erinn Larkin, Compliance Director, PACs and Parties

 

Free Advice: Start Raising Money Yesterday

Posted on:

fundraising_21

Whenever an aspiring candidate asks the question, “when do you think I should start raising money?”  my answer is always the same – yesterday!

I cannot begin to count the times I have joined a campaign right before a critical fundraising deadline. And yet there are countless reasons why raising money early on can be pivotal.  For example, in order to build a successful fundraising operation you must first create a good infrastructure of data and lists. Moreover, early money can create other opportunities that will give you the greatest chance at success.

A good fundraising operation can very easily built if the campaign has a good base of data. Almost any good fundraising operation will start by organizing and sorting (hopefully) hundreds of personal contacts of the candidate. This step can take a considerable amount of time, in many cases candidates will hand their fundraiser a stack full of business cards, their holiday list, (and my favorite) cocktail napkins with notes scribbled on them. Deciphering this data can take a great deal of time and detective work. Usually, this work can be done months before a candidate is ready to announce his or her candidacy. Once some sort of manageable list is in order, the candidate is ready to hit the phones!

By getting a head start on fundraising, the candidate do things other than just spend hours in a dark room on the phone. Many candidates quickly grow tired of call time and want to get to meet voters and campaign for office. However, if they cannot do this until they hit some of the early fundraising benchmarks. By buckling down early and spending hours of the phone can definitely free up the candidates schedule to spend a few more hours a week shaking hands and kissing babies.

Finally, the greatest reason a candidate should start raising money sooner than later is that it will give them the greatest chance at victory. This should be reason enough to convince candidates to start raising money in April instead of June, but that is not always the case. The facts do not lie in many cases the candidate who jumps in early and raises money the fastest can have a greater chance at victory. Early money is a demonstration of strength to both potential opponents and pundits. An early start will also give you a chance to jump out to an early cash advantage, that in some cases your opponent might never be able to catch.

Every candidate could use some free advice, so to those of you thinking about running for office in 2014, 2015 or even 2016, remember it is never to early to start fundraising. An early fundraising start will give the opportunity to build a solid infrastructure, allow the candidate more time to campaign, and most importantly give you the greatest chance at victory.

By Nick Daggers, Vice President, Fundraising